til orientering for andre

Frederikshavn d. 22.08.97

Jeg skynder mig at videresende nedenstående Email-brev fra fredsforsker og "konflikt-læge" Jan Øberg

til videre foranstaltning for de ansvarlige i partiet og andre interesserede.

Kosovas hidtidige ikkevoldsstrategi for deres kamp for anstændige vilkår og selvstyre mv. er blevet helt overset. Og også af mig selv de sidste 4-5 år siden jeg forgævedes søgte at få vedtaget en Kosovo-udtalelse på SFs landsmøde. SF må have en speciel forpligtelse til at fremme en løsning når den undertrykte part har forsøgt at undgå vold i sin kamp. Det kan også være et strategisk træk mod den tiltagende militaristiske handling og tænken vi ser omkrring os at sætte ikkevoldspolitikken i Kosova på dagsordenen. Men det haster. Når en ledelse i mange år har forfægtet ikkevold så er det i håb om at det vil vække sympati og krav om international konstruktiv indsats hos alverdens ikkevoldstilhængere.

Mvh Arne Hansen

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Date: Fri, 22 Aug 1997 15:06:42 +0200

TFF Conflict-Mitigation Initiative

PressInfo # 24


A Civilian U.N. Authority supported by NGOs

for a Negotiated Settlement in Kosovo

"The Serbs and Albanians have proved that they themselves are unable to

start and sustain a process towards conflict-resolution and reconciliation.

International attempts, lacking analysis as well as strategy, have failed,

too. The overall situation has deteriorated and violence is escalating,

slowly but surely. It simply cannot go on like that in the future, and go

well," says Jan Oberg, director of the Transnational Foundation which has

been engaged in the conflict in the Kosovo region of Serbia, Yugoslavia

since 1991. "New thinking should be applied sooner rather than later," he


"With the breakdown in Albania, Serbia has lost the argument - never very

credible - that the Kosovars want to unite with Albania. President

Milosevic recently visited the region with no new proposals. The pragmatic

non-violent policies of the Kosovar leadership is being undermined. The

Kosovars have failed to prove that Serbs as people are their friends, for

instance when they protested the temporary settlement of refugee Serbs from

Croatia and Bosnia in Kosovo.

With its anti-Serbian diagnosis of ex-Yugoslavia's conflicts, the

international community in general and the United States - both under

president George Bush and Bill Clinton - in particular gave the Kosovars

reason to believe that an independent state was around the corner. In

addition, Dr. Ibrahim Rugova was received everywhere as a statesman while,

for years, few governments would receive any Serb government

representative. However, with the Dayton Agreement and the international

recognition of Yugoslavia, the Kosovars seem at a loss what to do. The

United States now states no support for an independent republic of Kosova.

Symbolically they have long ago declared Kosova an independent state, a

statement of position - rather than of interest, perhaps - from which they

will have to back down when a serious negotiation process begins," Jan

Oberg continues. "But how can we help them do that, given the sacrifice by

ordinary Albanians in consequence of that declaration?"

"Serbian repression continues unabated, feeding so well into the sentiments

of Albanian nationalism, secessionism and terrorism that one would almost

think hardliners on both sides had coordinated it - as we've seen elsewhere

in former Yugoslavia. This state of affairs has a high moral, economic and

political price for Belgrade. In addition it must be deplored that neither

the student movement nor opposition parties in Serbia have anything to

offer that could convince Kosovo-Albanians to change their course.

Paradoxically - or perhaps logically - the Kosovo-Albanian leaders seem to

think that the more hardline the message in Belgrade, the better for them.

But that is a self-defeating attitude," says Jan Oberg.

"It is time to seek constructive solutions to this potentially very

dangerous situation.

The international so-called community's and media's attention to Bosnia and

a few, selected indicted war criminals is pathetic given the problems in

neighbouring republics, including those mounting in Macedonia where the

Albanian minority is also in focus.

The Serbian leaders refuse any international governmental involvement in

what they consider their internal affairs. But that is no longer a viable

argument. One, the problems in the Kosovo region threaten potentially,

inter-national stability. Second, the parties have made no progress toward

a solution. Third, Serbia/Yugoslavia is now eager to become an integral

part of the international community and seeks much needed aid, investment,

loans, and recognition; to obtain that it has to accept economic

interference by international finance and business interests. So, it can

hardly have it both ways.

To break the deadlock, the best option is a combination of non-governmental

mediation and involvement of the least biased and most conflict-resolution

competent organization we have, namely the United Nations. A UN presence

should be entirely non-military.

This is why the Transnational Foundation proposes the establishment of a

civilian United Nations, or other international, Temporary Authority for a

Negotiated Settlement, UNTANS, Serbia's Kosovo province.

It aims to facilitate, in a context of order, safety and respect for human

rights, a peaceful and longterm negotiated settlement of all conflict

issues between Serbia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on the one

hand and the Albanian population in the region of Kosovo on the other.

The Authority shall take over parts of the administration of the Territory,

Serbian as well as Albanian, for a period of up to three years and provide

a Professional Negotiation Facility.

All military and paramilitary forces not deemed necessary for self-defence

shall be replaced with Civil Police and monitors in the territory. Skilled

multi-ethnic and multi-cultural Civil Affairs Officers are deployed

together with qualified civilian volunteers from non-governmental

organisations to monitor the UNTANS's support among the inhabitants, serve

as neutral "Third Party" mediators and instil trust. Peacebuilding, such as

teaching conflict understanding, negotiations and reconciliation, is an

integral part of the Authority.

This new type of international conflict management is not a protectorate.

By refraining from stipulating what the final settlement should look like,

it respects the rights of conflicting parties to search for their own

solutions.. Thus, it is violence-prevention and principled, professional

negotiation in one.

The proposal consists of a draft treaty text with comments by the parties

and the TFF and, thus, presents an indirect dialogue between the highest

authorities on both sides - the first of its kind.

We appeal to actors in the international society to act creatively and in

time. We are convinced that the parties do not want an escalation of

uncontrolled violence but that it could anyhow happen. This proposal can

provide the parties and the international society with an opportunity to

avoid the worst and aspire to achieve the best.

The UNTANS concept is generally applicable to other conflicts, as an

alternative to military or otherwise externally-imposed solutions.

Acquaint yourself with the full proposal

UNTANS. Conflict Mitigation for Kosovo

Memorandum of Understanding between the UN and the Federal Republic of

Yugoslavia concerning a United Nations Temporary Authority for a Negotiated

Settlement in Kosovo.

TFF, Lund Sweden 1996, 36 pages, 75 Swedish kronor or US$ 12 plus postage.

Payment with your order.



Vegagatan 25, S - 224 57 Lund, Sweden

Phone + 46 - 46 - 145909 (9:00-10:00 and 14:00-16:00) Fax + 46 - 46 -144512

E-mail: tff@transnational.org

Dr. Jan Øberg

Director, head of the TFF Conflict-Mitigation team to the Balkans and Georgia


Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research

Vegagatan 25, S - 224 57 Lund, Sweden

Phone +46-46-145909 (0900-1100)

Fax +46-46-144512